The family is the foundation of Filipino political dynasties. In the scholarship in this field, if not yet
constitutionally, it is widely agreed that the definition and understanding of what constitutes
‘family’ in this context refers not only to blood relatives but also to ‘primary groups’ – small,
informal and non-specialised groups that openly and intimately interact with each other.
Filipinos being a family oriented tradition can pose a problem to its democratic society. Having known to have been courteous to their elder for using the words such as "po" and "opo" as a sign of respect, they try to respect their parents wishes by following their footsteps. Thus, when a family is involve in political practice they tend to follow the steps of their predecessor therefore creating whats looks like a dynasty.
Being so called a democratic state, but being controlled by a political dynasty is contradicting to its constitution. The government being moved as a business foundation for a political family, may as well be called an oligarchic state. Thus rendering the democratic freedom and choice of the people as well as how the state is being run as a democratic institution.
Thus such problems emanates basically from three different factors: (1) the political and socio-economic foundation upon which political dynasties are built; (2) the inability to effectively implement the Philippine constitution and its provisions by enacting and enabling law; and (3) the weakness of the potential countervailing forces that would challenge political dynasties.
Thus such problems emanates basically from three different factors: (1) the political and socio-economic foundation upon which political dynasties are built; (2) the inability to effectively implement the Philippine constitution and its provisions by enacting and enabling law; and (3) the weakness of the potential countervailing forces that would challenge political dynasties.
Advances in the NCR naturally spill over in the immediate surrounding provinces. Moreover, Luzon also happens to include the National Capital Region (NCR), Regions 3 and 4A (or collectively the national capital metropolitan region) that generates a substantial portion of the country’s GDP. Infrastructure development is historically concentrated in those areas. Substantial amounts of investments—both foreign and domestic—and jobs are concentrated there as well.
One can argue that people in the rest of Luzon can easily migrate to the metropolitan region and obtain alternative livelihoods, regardless of the political situation in their home provinces. This option is not readily available to people in the Visayas and Mindanao given their geographic isolation as separate island clusters.
Thus, the role of political dynasties in improving socioeconomic outcomes through livelihood and other economic activities can have different impacts in Luzon than in other parts of the country. Additionally, socioeconomic outcomes in dynastic areas outside of Luzon could turn dismal because the local monopolies in transport, utilities, and the like that were created by dynastic families created not only restrain local economic activities but also restrict economic opportunities for the people, including the option of migration. It is of note that ties between dynastic politics and protected (and often monopolistic) business interests are common in developing democracies.
More specifically, a concentration of economic opportunities
in the NCR could be viewed to have the capacity to absorb surplus labor from
neighboring provinces. This, in turn, serves to reduce unemployment and spur
economic development despite the prevalence of political dynasties.
Alternatively, proximity to the NCR could alter the behavior of political
dynasties. The brisk pace of economic growth in the NCR would reveal the
underperformance of any errant local government officials in nearby provinces.
Local government officials would thus be more inclined to perform at a level
that would spur greater levels of development in their respective
jurisdictions. Any perceived inability to meet expectations set by the
proximity to the NCR would result in shorter tenures in office. In contrast,
the isolation of more remote provinces affords political dynasties some measure
of insulation from political and economic competition and thereby allows them
to consolidate power and ensure their continued survival without promoting
necessarily desirable and inclusive economic outcomes.
In effect, the results
hint of processes that promote the uneven pattern of development in the
Philippines. Formulating context-specific socioeconomic interventions are
relevant in this kind of setting. Policymakers must be cognizant of the myriad
of institutions that play a role in shaping the sociopolitical cleavages and
dynamics of each region.
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0967828X16659730?journalCode=sera
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